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Term Paper on Suicide Bombers - Psychological Aspect

 

 

Suicide bombers are ordered to die for a reason, killing as many people as possible through their own deaths, the matter of the causal effectiveness of their viewpoint needs to be considered. Potential bombers are provoked by martyrdom, which, given a set of idea, can be a completely rational and reliable position. As a result, the most pressing issue beyond physiological causes of pathological behavior lies with meticulous belief systems putting great charge on martyrdom "No man has greater love than this, that he lays down his life for his friend" (Davis, Anthony, 2000), or which seek to weaken the capability for the individual to act volitionally and independently of power. If individuals are taught not to think separately of others and of their instructions, can they be held entirely ethically responsible for living according to their viewpoint in obedience and martyrdom? If an ethical and political position is given to cultures rather than to individuals, it reasonably follows that accountability for evil deeds falls on the culture, i.e., the civilization, and not on the individual, who in this procession of reasoning becomes a simple product of society. In this case, the bomber symbolizes a modus vivendi, a risk only to his or her society's 'rivals', and as such not so much a pathological individual as a usual warrior living according to his society's viewpoint.

 

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The chance that the bomber acts further than the pale of organization responsibility by asset of the belief system which he or she is engrossed in from childhood, rather than because of a physio-psychological trouble, poses a apparently intractable problem for tolerance and the ethical theory. Suicide bombers as skilled soldiers are part of a distinct society of enemies, who are discernible from the society of non-combatants, by good quality of their uniform, teaching, and carrying of arms (Kondaki, Christopher D, 2001). As suicide bombers are combatants, it follows that the armies which make them can be held cooperatively responsible, whilst the resident population remains inviolable. The suicide bomber survives on the fringe of conservative warfare, yet the strong incentive for martyrdom stands as a test for the ethical and political ideology of tolerance. The bomber violates the war gathering when civilians are targeted, which prompts the retributive to look for a target of punishment.


Suicide bombers make up a cheap, clever, flexible and mobile weapon capable of inflicting important physical and psychological harm on chosen targets. Such realistic and planned considerations are often not completely appreciated in analyses of suicide attacks. Possibly because the idea of self-sacrifice in the name of political principles and objectives seems strangely self-destructive, speculation frequently focuses on the psychological structure of the individual attacker. Suicide bombing performed by an individual is often the result of a combined strategic decision by an association, involving a wide support structure dedicated to employment, authorization and planning. Certainly, the disagreement has been made that the suicide bomber should be well thought-out no more than a conscious missile, a convenient delivery alternative for the real terrorists who take on for, plan and authorize the ultimate attack arms (Kondaki, Christopher D, 2001).

 
The suicide bombers are usually unmarried men in their late teens and 20s. Suicide attacks, as all other terrorist attacks, are first and chief aimed at giving their perpetrators extensive media coverage, thus inflating their own image. For this purpose, the terrorist organizations take advantage of diverse media venues in order to progress their interests. It should be revealed that suicide attacks by terrorists are nothing new; the occurrence appeared among the Jewish Sicaris in the 1st century, between the Moslem Hashishiyun in the 11th century, as well as among the Asians in the 18th century. In the Twentieth Century too, members of the Palestinian associations and their colleagues from the leftist associations committed high-risk attacks which almost cross the border into the monarchy of suicide terrorism. On the other hand, the perpetrators of these attacks nonetheless stood a chance, though small—to survive; their remaining alive did not smudge their achievement in carrying out the attack. Nevertheless, new suicide terrorism is unique and not like its predecessors. In the previous two decades suicide attacks have been performed by one or more persons who were conscious that they are human time-bombs (Marsden, Peter, 2002).

 

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The suicide bomber carries the explosives on his body or in a vehicle driven by him and, by own choice and with full self- consciousness; he approaches a formerly chosen aim and blows himself up. The suicide bomber himself, in agreement with the prevailing conditions, chooses the time and place to carry out the blast so that it will cause the maximum damage to the target. Defining a terror attack as a suicide bombing depends first and foremost on whether the performer is killed. In the event that his mission is imperfect, it is not a suicide bombing. The death of the doer is the key to the accomplishment of the attack; and he knows in advance that accomplishment depends completely on this death.


According to psychologist the most unsafe terrorist is possible to be the religious terrorist. Post has gave details that, not like the average political or social terrorist, who has a distinct mission that is to some extent measurable in terms of media concentration or government reaction, the sacred terrorist can give good reason for the most heinous acts "in the name of Allah," for instance. One could add, "in the name of Aum Shinrikyo's Shoko Asahara." (Marsden, Peter, 2002)


They act in the faith that they will go straight to heaven, where they will get places of honor next to God. Most of the bombers are associated to the Palestinian militant groups Hamas or Islamic Jihad. Such attacks are, according to psychoanalysts, planned scrupulously, along the lines of a military operation. In some cases, hold up teams transport the bomber by van or car to the location minutes before the explosion. Psychologist describes six psychological types who would be most possible to threaten: paranoids, paranoid schizophrenics, average mental defectives, schizophrenic types, passive-aggressive character types, and sociopath personalities. Some thinks sociopaths the most possible actually in suicide bomber. A nuclear terrorism expert disagrees. They consider that "Schizophrenics and sociopaths, for example, may want to give acts of mass obliteration, but they are less possible than others to succeed. They points out that large-scale distribution of chemical, biological, or radiological agents need a group effort, but that "Schizophrenics, in particular, frequently have complicatedness functioning in groups”. (Nojumi, Neamatollah, 2002)

 
The number of worldwide terrorist incidents has declined in the 1990s, but the latent threat posed by terrorists has augmented. The increased threat level, in the shape of terrorist actions intended at achieving a larger scale of obliteration than the conventional attacks of the previous three decades of terrorism, was fundamentally established with the bombing of the WTC. The World Trade Centre bombing demonstrated how terrorists with technological cleverness are increasingly being employed to carry out lethal terrorist bombing attacks. The WTC bombing may also have been a forerunner of more critical attacks of international terrorism in the United States.

 

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The social psychology of political terrorism has received widespread analysis in studies of terrorism, but the individual psychology of political and religious terrorism has been mainly ignored. Comparatively little is known regarding the terrorist as an individual, and the psychology of terrorists’ remains badly understood, in spite of the fact that there have been a number of individual biographical accounts, as well as far-reaching sociopolitical or psychiatric sweeping statement. According to researchers of Muslim culture, so-called suicide bombings, though, are seen by Islamists and Tamils similar as instances of martyrdom, and should be understand as such. The Arabic term used is istishad, a sacred term meaning to give one's life in the name of Allah, as opposed to intihar, which refers to suicide resulting from personal suffering. The latter form of suicide is not overlooked in Islamic teachings. Psychological factors connecting to terrorism are of exacting interest to psychologists, political scientists, and government bureaucrats, who would like to be able to predict and put off the emergence of terrorist groups or to thwart the understanding of terrorist actions.

 
Unable to achieve their impractical goals by conservative means, international terrorists attempt to send an ideological or sacred message by terrorizing the common public (Rashid, Ahmed, 2000). Through the option of their targets, which are often symbolic or delegate of the targeted nation, terrorists effort to create a high-profile collision on the public of their targeted enemy or enemies with their act of violence, in spite of the limited material resources that are frequently at their removal. In doing so, they hope to reveal various points, such as that the targeted government cannot guard its own citizens, or that by killing a specific victim they can teach the common public a lesson about taking up viewpoints or policies adversative to their own.

According to psychologist Maxwell Taylor (New York Times, 1988), have tried to address what motivates terrorists or to explain personal characters of terrorists, on the supposition that terrorists can be recognized by these attributes. Conversely, although an understanding of the terrorist state of mind would be the key to understanding how and why an individual turns into a terrorist, numerous psychologists have been not capable to sufficiently define it. Indeed, there appears to be a common agreement among psychologists who have studied the topic that there is no one terrorist state of mind. This view, though, itself needs to be elucidated.

 

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Within this field of psychology, the character dynamics of individual terrorists, including the reasons and inspirations behind the choice to join a terrorist group and to entrust violent acts, have also received attention. Other small group dynamics that have been of meticulous interest to researchers take in the terrorists' decision-making patterns, problems of management and authority, target selection, and group state of mind as a pressure tool on the individual.


In conclusion, suicide bombers can be viewed as a most hazardous but possibly well-meaning terrorist who is acting out of truthful love for his own kind and who has a stubborn hatred of his enemies and all who support them. There is little that can be done to defend society from their acts of terrorism distant from teaching a broader, more embracing religious belief that exceeds the current narrow-minded religions. Belief systems that function in a blinkered manner stimulate fanaticism and intolerance, a hazardous combination.

References
Davis, Anthony. Struggle for Recognition (of Afghanistan's Taliban). Jane's Defence Weekly 34:21 October 4, 2000.

Kondaki, Christopher D. The Taliban: A Primer. Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy 29:6-10 2001.

Marsden, Peter. The Taliban: War and Religion in Afghanistan. New York, Zed Books, 2002. 162 p.

Nojumi, Neamatollah. The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Mass Mobilization, Civil War, and the Future of the Region. New York, Palgrave, 2002. 260 p.

Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil, and Fundamentalism in Central Asia. New Haven, CN, Yale University Press, 2000. 274 p.
 

 

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